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Singlish (a portmanteau of Singapore and English) is an English-based creole language[1][2] spoken in Singapore. Singlish arose out of a situation of prolonged language contact between speakers of many different languages in Singapore, including Hokkien, Malay, Teochew, Cantonese and Tamil.[3]

Singlish
Native toSingapore
RegionSoutheast Asia
Language family
Creole
Writing system
Latin (English alphabet)
Language codes
ISO 639-3
Glottologsing1272
IETFcpe-SG
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
Exaggerated broken Singlish on an advertising board outside a cafe in Pulau Ubin
Exaggerated broken Singlish on an advertising board outside a cafe in Pulau Ubin

Singlish originated with the arrival of the British and the establishment of English-medium education in Singapore.[4] Elements of English quickly filtered out of schools and onto the streets, resulting in the development of a pidgin language[5] spoken by non-native speakers as a lingua franca used for communication between speakers of the many different languages used in Singapore. Singlish evolved mainly among the working classes who learned elements of English without formal schooling, mixing in elements of their native languages.[6] After some time, this new pidgin language, now combined with substantial influences from Indian English, Peranakan, southern varieties of Chinese, Malay, and Tamil, became the primary language of the streets. As Singlish grew in popularity, children began to acquire Singlish as their native language, a process known as creolization. Through this process of creolization, Singlish became a fully-formed, stabilized and independent creole language, acquiring a more robust vocabulary and more complex grammar, with fixed phonology, syntax, morphology, and syntactic embedding.[7][8]

Contrary to general perceptions, Singlish is not broken English. Particles, such as, lah, leh, ler, lor, liao, hor, ma, meh, ah, hah, bah, sia cannot be simply placed at the end of a sentence—the usage of these expression words must correctly match the accent, tone and expression of the situation. For example, asking a question and ending the sentence with lah? is grammatically incorrect.

Singlish shares many linguistic similarities with Manglish or Bazaar Malay of Malaysia, although a few distinctions can be made, particularly in vocabulary. Manglish generally receives more Malay influence and Singlish more Chinese (Mandarin, Hokkien, etc.) influence. Initially, Singlish and Manglish were essentially the same dialect evolving from the British Malaya economy, born in the trading ports of Singapore, Malacca and Penang[9] when Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia were for many purposes a de facto (from 1963 to 1965, de jure) single entity. Ever since the two countries separated, a divergence has been observed.

Like all languages, Singlish and other creole languages show consistent internal logic and grammatical complexity.[10] Due to its origins, Singlish shares many similarities with other English-based creole languages. As with many other creole languages, it is sometimes incorrectly perceived to be a "broken" form of the lexifier language - in this case, English.[11] The uniqueness of Singlish has been studied by linguistics experts beyond Singapore.[12]


Creole continuum


Singlish and English in Singapore exist along a creole continuum, ranging from standard English with local pronunciation on one end, to the most colloquial registers of Singlish on the other.[13]

After Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia in 1965, and successive "Speak Mandarin" campaigns,[14] a subtle language shift among the post-1965 generation became more and more evident as Malay idiomatic expressions were, and continued to be, displaced by idioms borrowed from Chinese spoken varieties, such as Hokkien.[citation needed]

The continuum runs through the following varieties:

  1. Acrolectal: Acrolectal Singaporean English is very similar to Standard English as spoken in other English-speaking countries, with some differences in pronunciation.[15]
  2. Mesolectal: An intermediate form between Standard English and basilectal Singlish. At this level, a number of features not found in standard English begin to emerge.[citation needed]
  3. Basilectal: This is the most colloquial form of speech.[16] Here, one can find all of the unique phonological, lexical, and grammatical features of Singlish. Many of these features can be attributed to the influence of different Chinese varieties, Malay, and Indian languages such as Tamil, though some features appear to be innovations unique to Singlish. Both the basilect and mesolect are referred to as "Singlish".
  4. Pidgin: This represents the first stage of development of the Singlish language,[5] before creolisation took place and solidified Singlish as a fully-formed creole. As with all pidgins, speakers of the pidgin form of Singlish speak another language as a first language and Singlish as a second language. However, since a substantial number of people today learn Singlish natively, the number of speakers at the "pidgin" level of Singlish is dwindling.[17] This is because by definition, a pidgin is not learned natively.

Since many Singaporeans can speak Standard English in addition to Singlish, code-switching can occur very frequently along the continuum. In addition, as many Singaporeans are also speakers of Chinese, Malay, or Indian languages such as Tamil or Hindi, code-switching between English and other languages also occurs dynamically.[citation needed]


Example


Each of the following means the same thing, but the basilectal and mesolectal versions incorporate some colloquial additions for illustrative purposes.

Basilect ("Singlish")
Wah Lao! This guy Singlish si beh
hiong sia.
Mesolect
This guy Singlish
damn good leh.
Acrolect ("Standard")
This person's Singlish
is very good.

Usage in society


The Infocomm Media Development Authority's free-to-air TV code states that the use of Singlish is only permitted in interviews, "where the interviewee speaks only Singlish," but the interviewer must refrain from using it.[18] Despite this, in recent years the use of Singlish on television and radio has proliferated as localised Singlish continues to be popular among Singaporeans, especially in comedies, such as Under One Roof and Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd.[7] Singlish is sometimes used by ordinary people in street interviews broadcast on TV and radio on a daily basis, as well as occasionally in newspapers.[19]

Although Singlish is officially discouraged in Singaporean schools, in practice, there is often some level of code-switching present in the classroom.[20][21] This is rather inevitable given that Singlish is the home language of many students, and many teachers themselves are comfortable with the variety.[20]

In many white-collar workplaces, Singlish is avoided in formal contexts, especially at job interviews, meetings with clients, presentations or meetings, where Standard English is preferred. Nevertheless, selected Singlish phrases are sometimes injected into discussions to build rapport or for a humorous effect, especially when the audience consists mainly of locals.[7]

In informal settings, such as during conversation with friends, or transactions in kopitiams and shopping malls, Singlish is used without restriction. For many students, using Singlish is inevitable when interacting with their peers, siblings, parents and elders.[7]

Coxford Singlish Dictionary, a published book on Singlish
Coxford Singlish Dictionary, a published book on Singlish

Singapore humour writer Sylvia Toh Paik Choo was the first to put a spelling and a punctuation to Singlish in her books Eh Goondu (1982) and Lagi Goondu (1986), which are essentially a glossary of Singlish, which she terms 'Pasar Patois'. This is later followed by publishing of a few other Singlish books including Coxford Singlish Dictionary (2002) by Colin Goh, An Essential Guide to Singlish (2003) by Miel and The Three Little Pigs Lah (2013) by Casey Chen, and Spiaking Singlish: A companion to how Singaporeans Communicate (2017) by Gwee Li Sui.

In recent times, Singlish is considered by linguists to be an independent language with its own systematic grammar.[22] Linguists from universities around the world have referred to local productions to demonstrate to students how Singlish has become a unique language variety.[23] There have been recent surges in interest in Singlish usage, sparking national conversations. In 2016, Oxford English Dictionary (OED) announced that it has added 19 new "Singapore English" items such as "ang moh", "shiok" and "sabo" in both its online and printed versions. Several Singlish words had previously made it into the OED's online version, which launched in March 2000. Words such as "Lah" and "sinseh" were already included in OED's debut, while "kiasu" made it into the online list in March 2007.[24] Local celebrities were generally pleased for this Singaporean identity to be recognized on a global level.[25]

Due in part to this perception of Singlish as "broken English", the use of Singlish is greatly frowned on by the government. In 2000, the government launched the Speak Good English Movement to eradicate Singlish,[26] although more recent Speak Good English campaigns are conducted with tacit acceptance of Singlish as valid for informal usage.[7] Several current and former Singaporean prime ministers have publicly spoken out against Singlish.[27][28][29] However, the prevailing view among contemporary linguists is that, regardless of perceptions that a dialect or language is "better" or "worse" than its counterparts, when dialects and languages are assessed "on purely linguistic grounds, all languages—and all dialects—have equal merit".[30][31][32]


Phonology



Variation


Singlish pronunciation, while built on a base of British English, is heavily influenced by Malay, Hokkien and Cantonese. There are variations within Singlish, both geographically and ethnically. Chinese, Native Malays, Indians, Eurasians, and other ethnic groups in Singapore all have distinct accents,[33][34] and the accentedness depends on factors such as formality of the context [35] and language dominance of the speaker.[36]


Consonants


The consonants in Singlish are given below:[37]

  Labial Dental Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasals m   n     ŋ  
Plosives/
Affricates
voiceless p   t   k  
voiced b   d   ɡ  
Fricatives voiceless f (θ) s ʃ     h
voiced v (ð) z ʒ      
Approximants     l r j w  

(See International Phonetic Alphabet for an in-depth guide to the symbols.)

In general:


Vowels


Broadly speaking, there is a one-to-many mapping of Singlish vowel phonemes to British Received Pronunciation vowel phonemes, with a few exceptions (as discussed below, with regard to egg and peg). The following describes a typical system.[38][48][49] There is generally no distinction between the non-close front monophthongs, so pet and pat are pronounced the same /pɛt/.[50]

At the acrolectal level, the merged vowel phonemes are distinguished to some extent. These speakers may make a distinction between the tense vowels /i, u/ (FLEECE, GOOSE) and the lax vowels /ɪ, ʊ/ (KIT, FOOT) respectively. Some speakers introduce elements from American English, such as pre-consonantal [r] (pronouncing the "r" in bird, port, etc.).[51] This is caused by the popularity of American TV programming.[citation needed] Current estimates are that about 20 per cent of university undergraduates sometimes use this American-style pre-consonantal [r] when reading a passage.[52]

Vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
lax tense lax tense lax tense
Close (ɪ) i (ʊ) u
Mid e ə o
Open ɛ a ɔ
Diphthongs ai   au   ɔi    

Vowel comparison between Singlish and English diaphonemic system:

Singlish phoneme WP as in
/i/ // meet
/ɪ/ pit
/e/ // day
/e, ɛ/ /ɛ/ (before a voiced plosive) leg
/ɛ/ /ɛ/ set
/ɛər/ hair
/æ/ map
/a/ (trap-bath split) pass
/ɑː/ father
/ɑːr/ car
/ʌ/ bus
/ɔ/ /ɒ/ mock
/ɔː/ thought
/ɔːr/ court
/o/ // low
/u/ // food
/ʊ/ put
/ə/ – see below /ɜːr/ bird
/ə/ idea
/ər/ better
/ai/ // my
/a/ // (before /l/) mile
/au/ // mouth
/ɔi/ /ɔɪ/ boy
/iə/ /ɪər/ here
/uə/ /ʊər/ tour
/ɔ/ /ʊər/ (after /j/) cure
/ai.ə/ /aɪər/ fire
/au.ə/ /aʊər/ power

Tone


Singlish is semi-tonal as words of Sinitic origin generally retain their original tones in Singlish.[60] On the other hand, original English words as well as words of Malay and Tamil origin are non-tonal.


Prosody


One of the most prominent and noticeable features of Singlish is its unique intonation pattern, which is quite unlike non-creole varieties of English.[61] For example:

Overall, the differences between the different ethnic communities in Singapore are most evident in the patterns of intonation, so for example Malay Singaporeans often have the main pitch excursion later in an utterance than ethnically Chinese and Indian Singaporeans.[71]

Generally, these pronunciation patterns are thought to have increased the clarity of Singlish communications between pidgin-level speakers in often noisy environments, and these features were retained in creolisation.


Grammar


The grammar of Singlish has been heavily influenced by other languages in the region, such as Malay and Chinese, with some structures being identical to ones in Chinese varieties. As a result, Singlish has acquired some unique features, especially at the basilectal level.[citation needed]


Topic prominence


Singlish is topic-prominent, like Chinese and Malay. This means that Singlish sentences often begin with a topic (or a known reference of the conversation), followed by a comment (or new information).[72][73][74] Compared to Standard English, the semantic relationship between topic and comment is not important; moreover, nouns, verbs, adverbs, and even entire subject-verb-object phrases can all serve as the topic:

Topic-prominence in Singlish
SinglishStandard English
Dis country weather very hot one.The weather is very warm in this country.
Dat joker there cannot trust.You cannot trust the person over there.
Tomorrow don't need bring camera.You don't need to bring a camera tomorrow.
He play football also very good one leh.He's very good at playing football too.
Walau, I want to eat chicken riceDamn, I am craving some chicken rice.
I go bus-stop wait for youI will be waiting for you at the bus-stop.

The above constructions can be translated analogously into Malay and Chinese, with little change to the word order.

The topic can be omitted when the context is clear, or shared between clauses. This results in constructions that appear to be missing a subject to a speaker of Standard English, and so called PRO-drop utterances may be regarded as a diagnostic feature of Singlish.[75] For example:

Omission of topic in Singlish
SinglishStandard English
No good lah.This isn't good.
Cannot anyhow go like dat one leh.You/it can't just go like that.
How come never show up?Why didn't you/he/it show up?
(See the use of never in place of didn't under the "Past tense" section.)
I like badminton, dat's why I every weekend go play.I play badminton every weekend because I like it.
He sick, so he stay home sleep lor.He's not feeling well, so he decided to rest at home and sleep!

Nouns


Nouns are optionally marked for plurality. Articles are also optional.[76] For example:

It is more common to mark the plural in the presence of a modifier that implies plurality, such as "many" or "four".[77]

Many nouns which seem logically to refer to a countable item are used in the plural, including furniture and clothing.[78] Examples of this usage from corpus recordings are:


Copula


The copula, which is the verb "to be" in most varieties of English, is treated somewhat differently in Singlish:

The copula is generally not used with adjectives or adjective phrases:

Sometimes, an adverb such as "very" occurs, and this is reminiscent of Chinese usage of 很 (hěn) or 好 (hǎo):

It is also common for the present participle of the verb to be used without the copula:[81]

The zero copula is also found, although less frequently, as an equative between two nouns, or as a locative:

In general, the zero copula is found more frequently after nouns and pronouns (except "I", "he", and "she"), and much less after a clause (what I think is...) or a demonstrative (this is...).


Past tense


Past tense marking is optional in Singlish. Marking of the past tense occurs most often in irregular verbs, as well as verbs where the past tense suffix is pronounced /ɪd/.[83] For example:

Due to consonant cluster simplification, the past tense is most often unmarked when it is pronounced as /t/ or /d/ at the end of a consonant cluster:[83]

The past tense is more likely to be marked if the verb describes an isolated event (it is a punctual verb), and it tends to be unmarked if the verb in question represents an action that goes on for an extended period:[84]

There seems also to be a tendency to avoid use of the past tense to refer to someone who is still alive:

Note in the final example that although the speaker is narrating a story, she probably uses the present tense in the belief that the tour guide is probably still alive.


Change of state


Instead of the past tense, a change of state can be expressed by adding already or liao (/liâu/) to the end of the sentence, analogous to the Chinese 了 (le).[86] This is not the same as the past tense, but more of an aspect, as it does not cover past habitual or continuous occurrences, and it refers to a real or hypothetical change of state in the past, present or future.

The frequent use of already (pronounced more like "oreddy" and sometimes spelt that way) in Singlish is probably a direct influence of the Hokkien liao particle.[87] For example:

Some examples of the direct use of liao:


Negation


Negation works in general like English, with not added after "to be", "to have", or modals, and don't before all other verbs. Contractions (can't, shouldn't) are used alongside their uncontracted forms. However, due to final cluster simplification, the -t drops out from negative forms, and -n may also drop out after nasalising the previous vowel. This makes nasalisation the only mark of the negative.

Another effect of this is that in the verb "can", its positive and negative forms are distinguished only by the vowel:

Also, never is used as a negative past tense marker, and does not have to carry the English meaning. In this construction, the negated verb is never put into the past-tense form:


Interrogative


In addition to the usual[which?] way of forming yes-no questions, Singlish uses two more constructions:

In a construction similar (but not identical) to Chinese A-not-A, or not is appended to the end of sentences to form yes/no questions. Or not cannot be used with sentences already in the negative:

The phrase is it, appended to the end of sentences, forms yes-no questions.[88] Is it implies that the speaker is simply confirming something they have already inferred:

The phrase isn't it also occurs when the speaker thinks the hearer might disagree with the assertion.[77]

There are also many discourse particles (such as hah, hor, meh, and ar) used in questions. (See the "Discourse particles" section elsewhere in this article.)


Reduplication


Another feature strongly reminiscent of Chinese and Malay, verbs are often repeated (e.g. TV personality Phua Chu Kang's "don't pray-pray!" pray = play). In general verbs are repeated twice to indicate the delimitative aspect (that the action goes on for a short period), and three times to indicate greater length and continuity:[89]

The use of verb repetition also serves to provide a more vivid description of an activity:

In another usage reminiscent of Chinese, nouns referring to people can be repeated for intimacy.[90] Most commonly, monosyllabic nouns are repeated:

However, occasionally reduplication is also found with disyllabic nouns:

Adjectives of one or two syllables can also be repeated for intensification:


Discourse particles


In Singlish, discourse particles are minimal lexemes (words) that occur at the end of a sentence and that do not carry referential meaning, but may relate to linguistic modality, register or other pragmatic effects. They may be used to indicate how the speaker thinks that the content of the sentence relates to the participants' common knowledge or change the emotional character of the sentence.

Particles are noted for keeping their tones regardless of the remainder of the sentence. Most of the particles are borrowed from southern Chinese varieties, with the tones intact.

Research on Singlish discourse particles have been many but varied, often focusing on analysing their functions in the sentences they appear in.[93]


Singlish phrases


Wah Lau / Walao

Wah lau ([wâ lǎu]) is used as an interjection or exclamation at the beginning of a sentence, and it usually has a negative connotation. It is derived from a Hokkien or Teochew phrase that means "my father" (我老), abbreviated form of "my father's" (我老的; góa lāu--ê).


Kena

Kena ([kəna] or [kana]) can be used as an auxiliary to mark the passive voice in some varieties of Singlish.[94]

It is derived from a Malay word that means "to encounter or to come into physical contact",[95] and is only used with objects that have a negative effect or connotation. Verbs after kena may appear in the infinitive form (i.e. without tense) or as a past participle. It is similar in meaning to passive markers in Chinese, such as Hokkien ; tio̍h or Mandarin ; bèi:

Kena is not used with positive things:

Use of kena as in the above examples will not be understood, and may even be greeted with a confused reply: But strike lottery good wat! (But it's a good thing to win the lottery!). However, when used in sarcasm, kena can be used in apparently positive circumstances, though with an ironic modicum of success, for example:

When the context is given, Kena may be used without a verb to mean "will be punished".

Using another auxiliary verb with kena is perfectly acceptable as well:


Tio

From Hokkien ; tio̍h, Tio ([tiò]; pronounced with a low tone due to Hokkien tone sandhi) can be used interchangeably with kena in many scenarios. While kena is often used in negative situations, tio can be used in both positive and negative situations.

Tio has a lighter negative tone when used negatively, compared to kena.

Both mean the same, but kena makes the speaker sound more unhappy with the situation than tio.

Tio also sounds more sympathetic when talking about an unfortunate incident about someone close.

Using kena in the following might not be appropriate, as they seem impolite, as if the speaker is mocking the victim.


One

The word one is used to emphasise the predicate of the sentence by implying that it is unique and characteristic. It is analogous to the use of particles like (ge) or (ga) in Cantonese, (e) in Hokkien, (-wa) in Japanese, or (de) in some dialects of Mandarin. One used in this way does not correspond to any use of the word "one" in Standard English. It might also be analysed as a relative pronoun, though it occurs at the end of the relative clause instead of the beginning (as in Standard English).[96]

Some bilingual speakers of Mandarin may also use (de) in place of one.


Then

The word then is often pronounced or written as den /dɛn/. When used, it represents different meanings in different contexts. In this section, the word is referred to as den.

i) "Den" can be synonymous with "so" or "therefore". It is used to replace the Chinese grammatical particle ; ; cái (see ii).

When it is intended to carry the meaning of "therefore", it is often used to explain one's blunder/negative consequences. In such contexts, it is a translation from Chinese "所以". When used in this context, the "den" is prolonged twice the usual length in emphasis, as opposed to the short emphasis it is given when used to mean cái.

I did not do my homework, that's why (therefore) I got a scolding

I did not do my homework; I got a scolding after that

It is only due to the fact that I did not do my homework that I was scolded.

However, "den" cannot be freely interchanged with "so".

The following examples are incorrect uses of "den", which will sound grammatically illogical to a Singlish speaker:

The reason for this is that "den" often marks a negative, non-volitional outcome (either in the future or the past), while the above sentences express volition and are set in the present. Consider the following examples:

ii) "Den" is also used to describe an action that will be performed later. It is used to replace the Chinese particle "; ; cái". When used in this context, the den is pronounced in one beat, instead of being lengthened to two beats as in (i).

If shortened, the meaning will be changed or incorrectly conveyed. For example, "I go home liao, "den" (2 beats) call you" will imbue the subtext with a questionable sense of irony, a lasciviousness for seduction (3 beats), or just general inappropriateness (random 2 beats indicating a Hong Kong comedy-influenced moleitou 無理頭 Singaporean sense of humour).

iii) "Den" can used at the beginning of a sentence as a link to the previous sentence. In this usage, "den" is used to replace the Mandarin grammatical particle which is approximately equivalent in meaning (but not in grammatical usage) only to "then," or "然后; 然後" (rán hòu), as in "ránhòu hor". In such cases, it often carries a connotation of an exclamation.

iv) "Den" can be used to return an insult/negative comment back to the originator. When used in such a way, there must first be an insult/negative comment from another party. In such contexts, it is a translation from the Chinese "; ; cái".

v) "Den?" can be used as a single-worded phrase. Even if "den" is used in a single-worded phrase, even with the same pronunciation, it can represent 4 different meanings. It can either be synonymous with "so what?", or it can be a sarcastic expression that the other party is making a statement that arose from his/her actions, or similarly an arrogant expression which indicating that the other party is stating the obvious, or it can be used as a short form for "what happened then?".

[Synonymous with "so what?"]

[Sarcastic expression] Speakers tend to emphasise the pronunciation of 'n'. Context: A is supposed to meet B before meeting a larger group but A is late for the first meeting

[Arrogant expression] Speakers have the option of using "Den" in a phrase, as in "Ah Bu Den" or "Ah Den". In this case it serves approximately the same purpose as 'duh' in American English slang.

[Ah, but then? (What happened after that?)]

vi) "Den" can also indicate a conditional (an if-then condition), implying an omitted "if"/"when":


Oi

Oi originating from the Hokkien (喂; oe), is commonly used in Singlish, as in other English varieties, to draw attention or to express surprise or indignation. Some examples of the usage of Oi include:

As "Oi" has connotations of disapproval, it is considered to be slightly offensive if it is used in situations where a more polite register is expected, e.g. while speaking to strangers in public, people in the workplace or one's elders.


Lah

The ubiquitous word lah (/lá/ or /lâ/), sometimes spelled as la and rarely spelled as larh, luh or lurh, is used at the end of a sentence.[97] It originates from the Chinese word (, POJ: lah) or the same word in Malay.[98] It simultaneously softens the force of an utterance and entices solidarity,[99] though it can also have the opposite meaning so it is used to signal power.[100] In addition, there are suggestions that there is more than one lah particle, so there may be a stressed and an unstressed variant[101] and perhaps as many as nine tonal variants, all having a special pragmatic function.[102]

In Malay, 'lah' is used to change a verb into a command or to soften its tone, particularly when usage of the verb may seem impolite. To drink is minum, but 'Here, drink!' is "minumlah!". Similarly, 'lah' is frequently used with imperatives in Singlish:

'Lah' also occurs frequently with "Yah" and "No" (hence "Yah lah!" and "No lah!..."). This can, with the appropriate tone, result in a less-brusque declaration and facilitate the flow of conversation. "No more work to do, we go home lah!" However, if the preceding clause is already diminutive or jocular, suffixing it with -lah would be redundant and improper: one would not say "yep lah", "nope lah", or "ta lah" (as in the British "Ta" for "thank you").

Lah is often used with brusque, short, negative responses:

Lah is also used for reassurance:

Lah is sometimes used to curse people

Lah can also be used to emphasise items in a spoken list, appearing after each item in the list.

Although lah can appear nearly anywhere, it does not appear with a yes-no question. Other particles are used instead:


Wat

The particle wat (/wàt/), also spelled what, is used to remind or contradict the listener,[103] especially when strengthening another assertion that follows from the current one:

It can also be used to strengthen any assertion:[104]

This usage is noticeably characterised by a low tone on wat, and parallels the assertive Mandarin particle 嘛 in expressions like "不错嘛".


Mah

Mah (/má/), originating from Chinese (嘛, ma), is used to assert that something is obvious and final,[105] and is usually used only with statements that are already patently true. It is often used to correct or cajole, and in some contexts is similar to English's duh. This may seem condescending to the listener:


Lor

Lor (/lɔ́/), also spelled lorh or loh, from Chinese (囖/咯; lo1), is a casual, sometimes jocular way to assert upon the listener either direct observations or obvious inferences.[103] It also carries a sense of resignation, or alternatively, dismissiveness.[106] that "it happens this way and can't be helped":


Leh

Leh (/lɛ́/ or /lé/), from Chinese (咧; leh), is used to soften a command, request, claim, or complaint that may be brusque otherwise:

Especially when on a low tone, it can be used to show the speaker's disapproval:[104]


Hor

Hor (/hɔ̨̌/), from Hokkien (; hō͘), also spelled horh, is used to ask for the listener's attention and consent/support/agreement:[107] It is usually pronounced with a low tone.


Ar

Ar (/ǎ/), also spelled arh or ah, is inserted between topic and comment.[108] It often, but not always, gives a negative tone:

Ar (/ǎ/) with a rising tone is used to reiterate a rhetorical question:

Ar (/ā/) with a mid-level tone, on the other hand, is used to mark a genuine question that does require a response:('or not' can also be used in this context):


Hah

Hah (/hǎ/), also spelled har, originating from the British English word huh or Hokkien (hannh 唅), is used to express disbelief, shock or used in a questioning manner.


Meh

Meh (/mɛ́/), from Cantonese (咩, meh), is used to form questions expressing surprise or scepticism:


Siah

/siǎ/, also spelled sia or siah, is used to express envy or emphasis. It is a derivative of the Malay vulgar word "sial" (derivative of the parent, used interchangeably but sometimes may imply a stronger emphasis). Originally, it is often used by Malay peers in informal speech between them, sometimes while enraged, and other times having different implications depending on the subject matter:

"Kau ade problem ke ape, sial?" – Do you have a problem or what? (negative, enraged)
"Sial ah, Joe bawak iPad ni ari." – Whoa, Joe brought an iPad today. (positive, envy)
"Takde lah sial." – No way, man. or I don't have it, man. (positive, neutral)
"Joe kene marah sial." – Joe got scolded, man. (positive, emphasis)

Malays may also pronounce it without the l, not following the ia but rather a nasal aah. This particular form of usage is often seen in expressing emphasis. There is a further third application of it, in that a k is added at the end when it will then be pronounced saak with the same nasal quality only when ending the word. It is similarly used in emphasis.

However, Singlish itself takes influence only from the general expression of the term without any negative implication, and non-Malay speakers (or Malays speaking to non-Malays) pronounce it either as a nasal sia or simply siah:


Siao

/siâo/ Derived from Hokkien (痟 siau). Siao is a common word in Singlish. Literally, it means crazy.


Summary

Summary of discourse and other particles:

Function Example Meaning
Affirmation Can. "It can be done."
Solidarity Can lah (soft). "Rest assured, it can be done."
Seeking attention / support (implicit) Can hor (soft) / hah? "It can be done, right?"
Defensive Can hor (sharp). "Please do not doubt that it can be done."
Impatient/Defensive Can lah (sharp). "Clearly it works, I'm not sure why are you questioning it?"
Characteristic Can one / de (的). "(Despite your doubts) I know it can be done."
(Vividness) Liddat (like that) very nice. "This looks very nice."
Acceptance /
Resignation
Can lor. "Well, seems that it can be done, since you say so."
Completion / Finished Can loh(!) / Can liao / oreddy. "It's done!"
Assertion (implies that listener should already know) Can wat/ Can lor (in some situations, when used firmly). "It can be done... shouldn't you know this?"
Assertion (strong) Can mah. "See?! It can be done!"
Assertion (softened) Can leh. "Can't you see that it can be done?"
Yes / No question Can anot? "Can it be done?"
Yes / No question
(confirmation)
Can izzit (Is it?)? "It can be done, right?"
Yes / No question
(skepticism)
Can meh? "Um... are you sure it can be done?"
Confirmation Can ar... (low tone). "So... it can really be done?"
Rhetorical Can ar (rising). "Alright then, don't come asking for help if problems arise."
Amazement Can sia(!)/ Can wor (sia is stronger than wor). "Amazingly, it works!"
Indifference/ Questioning in a calm manner Can huh (low tone). "Can it be done?"
Joyful Can loh! "Hurray! It's done!"
Anger / Annoyance Alamak! Why you go mess up!? "Argh! Why did you go and mess it up!?"

Miscellaneous


Nia, which originated from Hokkien, means 'only', mostly used to play down something that has been overestimated.

"Then you know" is a phrase often used at the end of a sentence or after a warning of the possible negative consequences of an action. Can be directly translated as "and you will regret not heeding my advice". Also a direct translation of the Chinese '你才知道'.

Aiyyo (also spelled aiyo): A state of surprise. Originally from Chinese "哎哟".

"There is"/"there are" and "has"/"have" are both expressed using got, so that sentences can be translated in either way back into British / American / Australasian English. This is equivalent to the Chinese 有 yǒu (to have):

Can is used extensively as both a question particle and an answer particle. The negative is cannot.

Can can be repeated for greater emphasis or to express enthusiasm:

The Malay word with the same meaning boleh can be used in place of can to add a greater sense of multiculturalism in the conversation. The person in a dominant position may prefer to use boleh instead:

The phrase like that is commonly appended to the end of the sentence to emphasize descriptions by adding vividness and continuousness. Due to its frequency of use, it is often pronounced lidat ([laɪˈdæt]):

Like that can also be used as in other Englishes:

In British English, "also" is used before the predicate, while "too" is used after the predicative at the end of the sentence. In Singlish (also in American and Australian English), "also" (pronounced oso, see phonology section above) can be used in either position.

"Also" is also used as a conjunction. In this case, "A also B" corresponds to "B although A". This stems from Chinese, where the words 也 (yě), 还 (hái) or 都 (dōu) (meaning also, though usage depends on dialect or context) would be used to express these sentences.

The order of the verb and the subject in an indirect question is the same as a direct question.

"Ownself" is often used in place of "yourself", or more accurately, "yourself" being an individual, in a state of being alone.

Not all expressions with the -self pronouns should be taken literally, but as the omission of "by":

Some people have begun to add extra "ed"s to the past tense of words or to pronounce "ed" separately, sometimes in a form of exaggeration of the past tense. Most of the time, the user uses it intentionally to mock proper English.


Vocabulary


Many signs in Singapore include all four official languages: English, Chinese, Tamil and Malay.
Many signs in Singapore include all four official languages: English, Chinese, Tamil and Malay.

Much of Singlish vocabulary is derived from British English, in addition to many loanwords from Sinitic languages, Malay and Tamil. There has been a rise in American English influence in recent years.

An instance of a borrowing from Hokkien is kiasu, which means "frightened of losing out",[109] and is used to indicate behaviour such as queueing overnight to obtain something; and the most common borrowing from Malay is makan, meaning "to eat".[110]

In many cases, words of English origin take on the meaning of their Chinese counterparts, resulting in a shift in meaning. This is most obvious in such cases as "borrow"/"lend", which are functionally equivalent in Singlish and mapped to the same Hokkien word, 借" (chio), which can mean to lend or to borrow. ("Oi (from Southern Min, although Singaporeans spell it as oi), can borrow me your calculator?"); and 'send' can be used to mean "accompany someone", as in "Let me send you to the airport", possibly under the influence of the Hokkien word "" (sang).[111] However, the Malay (meng)hantar can also be used to mean both "send a letter" and "take children to school",[112] so perhaps both Malay and Chinese have combined to influence the usage of 'send' in Singapore.[editorializing]


See also



Notes and references


  1. Yoon, David. "STANDARD ENGLISH AND SINGLISH: THE CLASH OF LANGUAGE VALUES IN CONTEMPORARY SINGAPORE" (PDF). La Trobe University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 May 2015. Retrieved 29 May 2015. Singaporean English or Singlish, as it is better known to the local populace, is an English creole that has long been a contesting issue between pro–Singlish and anti–Singlish proponents.
  2. LEIMGRUBER, JAKOB R. E. "Events - Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics" (PDF). www.ling-phil.ox.ac.uk. Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 January 2011. Retrieved 31 March 2022.
  3. "Chinese-based lexicon in Singapore English, and Singapore-Chinese culture" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 November 2010. Retrieved 18 April 2010.
  4. Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1994) The Step-tongue: Children's English in Singapore, Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters, p. 35.
  5. Ong, Kenneth Keng Wee (2017). "Textese and Singlish in multiparty chats". World Englishes. 36 (4): 5,17. doi:10.1111/weng.12245. Historically, Singlish has evolved from an English-based pidgin
  6. Napitupulu, Andi; Simanjuntak, Be. "Singapore English (Singlish)". Yuan Ze University: 3. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  7. Wong, Tessa (6 August 2015). "The rise of Singlish". BBC News.
  8. Wardhaugh (2002:56–57)
  9. Tongue, R. K. (1979) The English of Singapore and Malaysia (second edition), Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, p. 17.
  10. Labov, William (1969). "The logic of non-standard English". Georgetown Monograph on Language and Linguistics (22): 1–44.
  11. CAVALLARO, FRANCESCO; NG, BEE CHIN; SEILHAMER, MARK FIFER (1 September 2014). "Singapore Colloquial English: Issues of prestige and identity". World Englishes. 33 (3): 378–397. doi:10.1111/weng.12096. hdl:10220/38871. ISSN 0883-2919.
  12. Sin, Yuen (5 February 2017). "Don't play, play - Singlish is studied around the globe". The Straits Times. Retrieved 5 July 2022.
  13. Platt, John T. (1975) "The Singapore English Speech Continuum and Its Basilect 'Singlish' as a 'Creoloid'", Anthropological Linguistics, 17(7), 363–374.
  14. Gopinathan, S. (1998) "Language policy changes 1979–1997: Politics and pedagogy", in S. Gopinathan, Anne Pakir, Ho Wah Kam and Vanithamani Saravanan (eds.), Language, Society and Education in Singapore (2nd edn.), Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 19–44.
  15. Harada, Shinichi, The Roles of Singapore Standard English and Singlish, Bunkyo University, pp. 69–81
  16. Pakir, Anne (1991) "The range and depth of English-knowing bilinguals in Singapore", World Englishes, 10(2), 167–179.
  17. Gupta, Anthea Fraser (1992) "Contact features of Singapore Colloquial English". In Kingsley Bolton and Helen Kwok (eds.) Sociolinguistics Today: International Perspectives, London and New York: Routledge, pp. 323-345.
  18. "Content Code for Nationwide Managed Transmission Linear Television Services" (PDF). Infocomm Media Development Authority. Retrieved 13 March 2022.
  19. See, for example, an entire opinion column written in Singlish by The Straits Times regular columnist Koh, Buck Song, "To have or not to have a dictionary, big question leh", published 24 April 1995, available online at: http://freepages.family.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~jacklee/Files/19950424-ST-BadNewsforAllEngPurists.pdf
  20. Foley, Joseph (2001) "Is English a first or second language in Singapore?", in Vincent B. Y. Ooi (ed.), Evolving Identities: The English Language in Singapore and Malaysia, Singapore: Times Academic Press, pp. 12-32.
  21. Deterding, David (1998) 'Approaches to Diglossia in the Classroom: The Middle Way. REACT, 2, 18-23.' (on-line version)
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  23. "Singlish Is Being Studied In Universities Around The World, Leh! - The Finder". The Finder. 6 February 2017. Retrieved 5 November 2018.
  24. hermesauto (12 May 2016). "Shiok! 19 Singlish items added to the Oxford English Dictionary". The Straits Times.
  25. ABDUL RAHMAN, NOOR ASHIKIN (13 May 2016). "Some find new Singlish terms in Oxford dictionary 'ridiculous'". AsiaOne. Retrieved 5 November 2018.
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  28. Deterding, David (2007) Singapore English, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp. 90-91.
  29. "NYT op-ed on Singlish makes light of efforts to promote standard English: PM's press secretary". Channel NewsAsia. Retrieved 5 November 2018.
  30. Fox 1999
  31. O'Grady et al. 2001, p. 7
  32. Fasold & Connor-Linton 2006, p. 387
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  51. Poedjosoedarmo, Gloria (2000) 'The media as a model and source of innovation in the development of Singapore Standard English’. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 112–120.
  52. Deterding, David (2007). 'The Vowels of the Different Ethnic Groups in Singapore'. In David Prescott (ed.fg), English in Southeast Asia: Literacies, Literatures and Varieties. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Press, pp. 2–29.
  53. Tay Wan Joo, Mary (1982) 'The phonology of educated Singapore English', English World-Wide, 3(2), 135–45.
  54. Deterding, David (2005) 'Emergent patterns in the vowels of Singapore English', English World-Wide, 26(2), 179–97.
  55. Lim, Siew Siew and Low, Ee Ling (2005) 'Triphthongs in Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 64–73.
  56. Deterding, David (2000) 'Measurements of the /eɪ/ and /oʊ/ vowels of young English speakers in Singapore'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 93-99.
  57. Lee, Ee May and Lim, Lisa (2000) 'Diphthongs in Singaporean English: their realisations across different formality levels, and some attitudes of listeners towards them'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds.), The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 100-111.
  58. Heng, Mui Gek and Deterding, David (2005) 'Reduced vowels in conversational Singapore English'. In David Deterding, Adam Brown and Low Ee Ling (eds.) English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus, Singapore: McGraw-Hill Education (Asia), pp. 54–63.
  59. Deterding, David (2006) 'Reduced vowels in SE Asia: should we be teaching them?', SOUTHEAST ASIA: A Multidisciplinary Journal, 6 (1), 71-78.(on-line version)
  60. Lim, Lisa (2011). "Tone in Singlish: Substrate Features from Sinitic and Malay" (PDF). Typological Studies in Language. Philadelphia; Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 95. doi:10.1075/tsl.95.16lim.
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  67. Lim, Lisa (2004) 'Sounding Singaporean'. In Lisa Lim (ed.) Singapore English: A Grammatical Description, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 20-56.
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  69. Low, Ee Ling (2000) 'A comparison of the pitch range of Singapore English and British English speakers'. In Adam Brown, David Deterding and Low Ee Ling (eds. 2000) The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, Singapore: Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics, pp. 46–52.
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Sources cited



Further reading





На других языках


[de] Singlish

Singlish ist eine in Singapur gesprochene Variante der englischen Sprache, die in der Regel als englisch-basierte Kreolsprache betrachtet wird.[2] Singlish ist ein Kofferwort, zusammengesetzt aus SINGaporian EngLISH (singapurisches Englisch).[3] Singlish ist eine in weiten Teilen der Bevölkerung von Singapur gebrauchte Umgangssprache, die in Aussprache und Wortschatz von den in Singapur gesprochenen Sprachen beeinflusst ist. In der Forschung wird Singlish auch als Colloquial Singapore English bezeichnet.
- [en] Singlish

[es] Singlés

El inglés coloquial singapurense, más conocido como singlés, es una lengua criolla basada en el inglés[1][2][3] que se habla en Singapur. El término «singlés» es una mezcla de «inglés» y «Singapur», y fue usado por primera vez en 1973.[4]

[ru] Сингапурский вариант английского языка

Сингапурский вариант английского языка (англ. Singlish) — распространенный в Сингапуре креольский язык на основе английского языка. Является родным для многих сингапурцев и вторым языком для остальных граждан страны. Образованные жители одинаково хорошо владеют стандартным английским языком и его сингапурским вариантом.



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